By Benjamin Balthaser
Anti-Imperialist Modernism excavates how U.S. cross-border, multi-ethnic anti-imperialist routine at mid-century formed what we comprehend as cultural modernism and the ancient interval of the good melancholy. The booklet demonstrates how U.S. multiethnic cultural pursuits, positioned in political events, small journals, hard work unions, and struggles for racial liberation, helped build a typical experience of foreign harmony that critiqued principles of nationalism and essentialized racial id. The e-book therefore strikes past bills that experience tended to view the pre-war “Popular entrance” via tropes of nationwide belonging or an abandonment of the cosmopolitanism of prior many years. amazing archival study brings to gentle the ways that a transnational imaginative and prescient of modernism and modernity used to be formed via anti-colonial networks of North/South harmony. Chapters learn farmworker photographers in California’s significant valley, a Nez Perce highbrow touring to the Soviet Union, imaginations of the Haitian Revolution, the reminiscence of the U.S.–Mexico warfare, and U.S. radical writers touring to Cuba. The final bankruptcy examines how the chilly warfare foreclosed those pursuits inside a nationalist framework, while activists and intellectuals needed to suppress the transnational nature in their events, frequently rewriting the cultural earlier to comply to a patriotic narrative of nationwide belonging.
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Additional info for Anti-Imperialist Modernism: Race and Transnational Radical Culture from the Great Depression to the Cold War
S. financial capital directly or indirectly controls. Part of what has obscured the transnational affiliations of the Popular Front, however, is that Europe was largely displaced as a site of identification. With the bold and crucial exception of Spain, European governments were either fascist or soon to become fascist; intellectual exiles for a change were steaming to New York, Havana, Leningrad, and Los Angeles rather than Berlin, Paris, or Rome. In this sense, the transnational character of the Popular Front was shaped as an identification and solidarity with what would come to be called the third world.
S. empire, Odets joined several other artists who traveled to Cuba in the 1930s. Four of the most famous, and perhaps representative, writers of the 1930s spent time in Cuba between 1927 and 1939: Josephine Herbst, Clifford Odets, Ernest Hemingway, and Langston Hughes. While their collective accounts differ in important ways, Cuba became a way for all four to narrate their relationship to the United States and their identities as subjects of a sovereign empire. For Odets, Herbst, and Hughes, Cuba offers a problem of representation and forces them into a self-conscious relationship to their own work and their role as writers—creators, one could say—of representative acts, acts that are to represent a particular political and literary constituency.
Considering these facts also allows us to reconsider why the only novel Hemingway publicized as “political” was set in Cuba and the Florida Keys. S. Left. More than encourage us to reconsider a few authors, a site like Cuba alters the entire narrative of the Popular Front. S. national borders in an unofficial colony of the United States does more than simply construct transcultural connections. It radically questions the national frame proposed by theorists like Kenneth Burke, and radically alters the cultural memory of the decade that is based on themes of national belonging.